What leaf-fringd legend haunts about thy shape Essays - Literature

What leaf-fring'd legend haunts about thy shape Of deities or mortals, or of both, In Tempe or the dales of Arcady? What men or gods are these? What maidens loth? What mad pursuit? What struggle to escape? What pipes and timbrels? What wild ecstasy? Heard melodies are sweet, but those unheard Are sweeter; therefore, ye soft pipes, play on; In this stanza, John keats uses imagery to stimulate audience's imagination of depiction. Keats vividly paints the depictions on the urn with several questions to the urn. He points out the main character as a "legend", however, he couldn't figure the surroundings of the legend but assumes the legend is located "in Tempe or the dales of Arcady". The location establishes peaceful and tranquil atmosphere as both locations are based on rural areas. Furthermore, he embellishes the sound of the depiction, especially the legend, with its "sweeter" "unheard" "melodies". The "unheard" "melodies" on the depiction suggests the fulfillment and the contentment of imagination and anticipation. A melody or music played in our mind is played perfectly. Therefore, Keats believed that imagining something is more contented than the reality. He thinks that expectation sometimes disappoints the real result.

A Definition and Overview of Systemic Racism

A Definition and Overview of Systemic Racism Systemic racism is both a theoretical concept and a reality. As a theory, it is premised on the research-supported claim that the United States was founded as a racist society, that racism is thus embedded in all social institutions, structures, and social relations within our society.  Rooted in a racist foundation, systemic racism today is composed of intersecting, overlapping, and codependent racist institutions, policies, practices, ideas, and behaviors that give an unjust amount of resources, rights, and power to white people while denying them to people of color. Definition of  Systemic Racism Developed by sociologist Joe Feagin, systemic racism is a popular way of explaining, within the social sciences and humanities, the significance of race and racism  both historically and in todays world.  Feagin describes the concept and the realities attached to it in his well-researched and readable book,  Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, Future Reparations. In it, Feagin uses historical evidence and demographic statistics to create a theory that asserts that the United States was founded in racism since  the Constitution classified black people as the property of whites. Feagin illustrates that the legal recognition of racialized slavery is a cornerstone of a racist social system in which resources and rights were and are unjustly given to white people and unjustly denied to people of color. The theory of systemic racism accounts for individual, institutional, and structural forms of racism. The development of this theory was influenced by other scholars of race, including Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, Oliver Cox, Anna Julia Cooper, Kwame Ture, Frantz Fanon, and Patricia Hill Collins, among others. Feagin defines systemic racism in the introduction to the book: Systemic racism includes the complex array of antiblack practices, the unjustly gained political-economic power of whites, the continuing economic and other resource inequalities along racial lines, and the white racist ideologies and attitudes created to maintain and rationalize white privilege and power. Systemic here means that the core racist realities are manifested in each of society’s major parts [...] each major part of U.S. societythe economy, politics, education, religion, the familyreflects the fundamental reality of systemic racism. While Feagin developed the theory based on the history and reality of anti-black racism in the U.S., it is usefully applied to understanding how racism functions generally, both within the U.S. and around the world. Elaborating on the definition quoted above, Feagin uses historical data in his book to illustrate that systemic racism is primarily composed of seven major elements, which we will review here. The Impoverishment of People of Color and Enrichment of White People Feagin explains that the undeserved impoverishment of people of color (POC), which is the basis of the undeserved enrichment of white people, is one of the core aspects of systemic racism. In the U.S. this includes the role that Black slavery played in creating an unjust wealth for white people, their businesses, and their families. It also includes the way white people exploited labor throughout the European colonies prior to the founding of the United States. These historical practices created a social system that had racist economic inequality built into its foundation and was followed through the years in numerous ways, like the practice of redlining that prevented POC from buying homes that would allow their family wealth to grow while protecting and stewarding the family wealth of white people. Undeserved impoverishment also results from POC being forced into  unfavorable mortgage rates,  being channeled by unequal opportunities for education into low-wage jobs, and being p aid less than white people for doing the same jobs. There is no more telling proof of the undeserved impoverishment of POC and the undeserved enrichment of white people than the massive difference in average wealth of white versus Black and Latino families. Vested Group Interests Among White People Within a racist society, white people enjoy many privileges denied to POC. Among these is the way that vested group interests among powerful whites and â€Å"ordinary whites† allow white people to benefit from a white racial identity  without even identifying it as such. This manifests in support among white people for political candidates who are white, and for laws and political and economic policies that work to reproduce a social system that is racist and has racist outcomes. For example, white people as a majority have historically opposed or eliminated diversity-increasing  programs within education and jobs, and ethnic studies courses that better represent the racial history and reality of the U.S. In cases like these, white people in power and ordinary white people have suggested that programs like these are hostile or examples of reverse racism. In fact, the way white people wield political power in the protection of their interests and at the expense of others, w ithout ever claiming to do so, maintains and reproduces a racist society. Alienating Racist Relations Between White People and POC In the U.S., white people hold most positions of power. A look at the membership of Congress, the leadership of colleges and universities, and the top management of corporations makes this clear. In this context, in which white people hold political, economic, cultural, and social power, the racist views and assumptions that course through U.S. society shape the way those in power interact with POC. This leads to a serious and wells include discrimination against POC and preferential treatment of white students among university professors, more frequent and severe punishment of Black students in K-12 schools, and  racist police practices, among many others. Ultimately,  alienating racist relations make it difficult for people of different races to recognize their commonalities, and to achieve solidarity in fighting broader patterns of inequality that affect the vast majority of people in society, regardless of their race. The Costs and Burdens of Racism are Borne by POC In his book, Feagin points out with historical documentation that the costs and burdens of racism are disproportionately borne by people of color and by black people especially. Having to bear these unjust costs and burdens is a core aspect of systemic racism. These include shorter life spans, limited income and wealth potential, impacted family structure as a result of mass incarceration of Blacks and Latinos, limited access to educational resources and political participation, state-sanctioned killing by police, and the psychological, emotional, and community tolls of living with less, and being seen as â€Å"less than.  POC are also expected by white people to bear the burden of explaining, proving, and fixing racism, though it is, in fact, white people who are primarily responsible for perpetrating and perpetuating it. The Racial Power of White Elites While all white people and even many POC play a part in perpetuating systemic racism, it is important to recognize the powerful role played by white elites in maintaining this system. White elites, often unconsciously, work to perpetuate systemic racism via politics, law, educational institutions, the economy, and via racist representations and underrepresentation of people of color in mass media. This is also known as white supremacy. For this reason, it is important that the public hold white elites accountable for combatting racism and fostering equality. It is equally important that those who hold positions of power within society reflect the racial diversity of the U.S. The Power of Racist Ideas, Assumptions, and World Views Racist ideology- the collection of ideas, assumptions, and worldviews- is a key component of systemic racism and plays a key role in its reproduction. Racist ideology often asserts that whites are superior to people of color for biological or cultural reasons, and manifests in stereotypes, prejudices, and popular myths and beliefs. These typically include positive images of whiteness in contrast to negative images associated with people of color, such as civility versus brutishness, chaste and pure versus hyper-sexualized, and intelligent and driven versus stupid and lazy. Sociologists recognize that ideology informs our actions and interactions with others, so it follows that racist ideology fosters racism throughout all aspects of society. This happens regardless of whether the person acting in racist ways is aware of doing so. Resistance to Racism Finally, Feagin recognizes that resistance to racism is an important feature of systemic racism. Racism has never been passively accepted by those who suffer it, and so systemic racism is always accompanied by acts of resistance that might manifest as protest, political campaigns, legal battles, resisting white authority figures, and speaking back against racist stereotypes, beliefs, and language. The white backlash that typically follows resistance, like countering Black Lives Matter with all lives matter or blue lives matter, does the work of limiting the effects of resistance and maintaining a racist system. Systemic Racism Is All Around Us and Within Us Feagins theory and all of the research he and many other social scientists have conducted over 100 years illustrates that racism is in fact built into the foundation of U.S. society and that it has over time come to infuse all aspects of it. It is present in our laws, our politics, our economy; in our social institutions; and in how we think and act, whether consciously or subconsciously. Its all around us and inside of us, and for this reason, resistance to racism must also be everywhere if we are to combat it.

Psychology- Human Development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Psychology- Human Development - Essay Example The second approach, â€Å"The native perspective† unlike learning theorists minimize the role of the language environment and maximize the role of child’s biologically programmed capacities in explaining language development. The third approach known as â€Å"The Interactionist Perspective† believes that both learning theorists (nurture) and nativists (nature) are correct: Childrens biologically based competencies and their language environment interact to shape the course of language development (Bloom, 1998; Bohannon & Bonvillian, 2005).They emphasize that acquisition of language skills depends on and is related to the acquisition of many other capacities: perceptual, cognitive, motor, social, and emotional. Obviously, there is no doubt that males and females differ biologically. Yet we have to ask ourselves one question, do we form our ideas of gender roles according the influence of our society, or does biological predisposition outweigh the cultural influence? Gender refers to the cultural and social definition of feminine and masculine, it bears no relevance to the biological sex. Rather, it is the socially constructed expectations placed on a person because of their sex. Socialization is defined as the process by which we learn the ways of a given society or social group so that we can function within it. We are born either male or female, but not boy or girl. Femininity and masculinity do not bubble up from our genetic makeup. The distinction between boy and girl is taught. Therefore, gender is a learned identity. From the moment a child is born, (s)he begins the process of gender socialization. There is no nation where men and women are not gendered. The gender system organizes s ociety in such a way that boys and girls are treated differently, and the expectations for boys and girls differ. Family and peer relationships, schools and religious institutions, and media exposure

Magnetite Biomineralization Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Magnetite Biomineralization - Research Paper Example nt study showed that most human brain tissues had a least five million single domain crystals per gram and in excess of 100 million crystals per for dura and pia. The crystals were in clumps of 50-100 particles. During biologically controlled mineralization of magnetite the organism makes use of cell activities to control the nucleation, growth, final place of deposit, and the morphology of the mineral. The process of biomineralization of magnetite commonly occurs in an isolated environment. The nucleation and growth of biominerals is dependent on the existence of a localized zone that enjoys and maintains adequate supersaturation. The two phases of iron that commonly feature in the process of magnetite biomineralization in bacteria are ferrihydrite and magnetite. In bacteria, magnetosome organelle is responsible for producing magnetite. The organelle is basically a biomineralized greigite or magnetite. Magnetite Fe3O4 is a naturally occurring mineral. Scientists note that the mineral is one of the most magnetic minerals that naturally occur on earth. Research has shown that magnetite does not only occur naturally on the earth, it is also found in animal tissues. Indeed scientists note that almost all groups of organisms form one form or another of biominerals. Some of the organisms that have been found to precipitate magnetite include arthropods, chordates, and mollusks. Recent studies show that biominerals are found in humans such as in bones and teeth. The precipitation of magnetite in living organisms occurs through the biomineralisation process. This paper will discuss Magnetite biomineralization in light of its chemistry, occurrence, and crystallography among other issues. Biomineralisation or biologically regulated mineralization is basically the process through which living organisms produce minerals according to Kirschvink and Hagadorn (2000). Weiner and Dove (2013) note that biomineral products are composites that comprise both organic and mineral

Opportunity cost Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Opportunity cost - Essay Example Different perspectives however exist for definition of opportunity cost but they revolve around the cost that can be derived from the next best alternative. Ferguson, an economist, for example, defines opportunity cost in terms of resources and as mount of resources for producing the next best alternative, which is forgone in order to produce a subject commodity. This establishes cost of the two commodities as a common measure for determining sacrificed cost for a production. Henderson offers a definition that is closer to cost measure by defining opportunity cost as the â€Å"value of the highest-valued alternative† for which resources in a production could have been used (Hussain, 2010, P. 158). Leftwich’s definition of opportunity cost as the value of foregone option for production in which resources would have been used is also consistent with the focus on cost of resources in production of a commodity (Hussain, 2010). It is however important to note that opportunit y cost is not market price of an alternative commodity or market price of materials that could have been used in the alternative. Commodities that are produced from a similar material may have a relationship between opportunity cost and market cost but this is not always the case because of the subjective nature of opportunity cost (Baumol & Blinder, 2011). Opportunity cost is therefore the value, and not necessarily market price, of resources use in a production, which could have been used in production of the next best alternative production. Opportunity cost can be either implicit or explicit and existence of reward for involved sacrifice establishes the distinction. Explicit costs in opportunity cost are those costs that are incurred for payments, in monetary or otherwise terms, to stakeholders that sacrifice their resources for production of a commodity.

Research Design in Geography

Research Design in Geography With the ever-growing expansion of global knowledge geographers like many other scientists both human and physical have begin to face an â€Å"information explosion† (Ebdon, 1985). The readily available written information and numerical data today is increasing at an accelerating rate. This has lead to the necessity for summaries of these large data sets showing the concise measurements of their attributes. Human and physical geography can be seen as two different disciplines one been primarily focussed on qualitative data and one quantitative data respectively; both been equally reliant and interested within secondary data sources. The contention as to why this is the case is outlined below. It can be noted that secondary data within the research discipline may be defined as â€Å"data which has not been collected with the specific research question in mind† (Emanuel and Egenvall, 2014). It can be seen as data which has previously been collected by somebody else however is effortlessly available; Secondary data was once a branch of primary data (Vartanian, 2010). It is seen as common source for academic disciplines to use within research projects either been obtained from quantitative or qualitative sources. Secondary data as an aspect of scientific disciplines has come about due to the global widespread transition from paper to digital (Gomez and Jones, 2010). Nowadays datasets can be created, analysed and distributed worldwide digitally. Digital secondary data is often structured within databases and organised as tables which can be analysed. An example of this is weather records available online within the NOAA – National Climatic Data Centre (NCDC) whereby annual to daily summaries are available as structured datasets. This climatic data online provides free accessible archives of global historical weather and climatic data addressing all variables. Compared to many other scientific disciplines geographers use a great deal of secondary data because of the numerous types of data available within geographic research (Montello and Sutton, 2006). Maps as a branch of secondary data support the basis of physical geographer’s research; there involvement in the environmental features, factors and processes which coalesce together to make a place unique. With the earth’s features and landscapes ever-changing in a spatial context maps allow geographer’s to study and monitor landscape change over time (Gabler et al, 2008). Climatologists are interested in weather maps as they show where and how weather elements change daily, over the seasons and yearly. This allows for predictions and management in areas which may be susceptible to high levels of rainfall, such as south West England; whereas Geomorphologists look at the study of the topography within a given area. Using maps physical geographers apply their knowledge they discover from the study of the earth; the observation of phenomena and compilation of data to seek solutions to the global issues to which they are interested in. Geographic Maps are readily av ailable at (Digi-map) ordinance survey map data on Edina Maps; an example of a historic map can be found at Physical geographers and other scientists work to describe and analyse the often complex features of planet earth and its environments by composing representations of the real world; models. A model is a simplified version of a more complex reality that allows for prediction; each model is designed with a specific purpose in mind. This is evident in Pacione (2001) with the idea of the concentric zone model and the multiple nuclei model in order to explain the spatial structure of the urban economy. A map is a branch of model as it shows a representation providing useful information required to meet specific needs. Maps are seen as a pictorial model (Gabler et al, 2008) and are used because they are efficient in conveying a great amount of spatial information that is easily recognisable. Likewise maps not only show spatial information and data but they also show essential information about the map itself which is interesting to geographers; the legend, scale and direction. A more recent approach since the 1990’s is the use of geographic information systems and aerial remote sensing as a branch of mapping. Initially geographers used maps achieved by producing a transparent overlay for each data set at a common scale, aligning overlays so that their co-ordinates corresponded and then drawing a new overlay showing for instance how rock types and soils interrelate (Freeman et al, 1993). However the more data there is to analyse the more complex the map becomes as a piece of secondary data. Therefore large complex data sets require the use of computer software designed to manipulate spatial data. This computer based technology assists the large geographic data derived from numerous digital map layers (composed of thematic maps) enabling geographers to address global problems that require large amounts of spatial data from a variety of sources (Gabler et al, 2008). Figure 1shows the clear procedure in order to use GIS to create secondary data. As Moran (1975) states though it is not just geography using such tool, statistical analysis with maps is of course important in all other sciences such as geology, epidemiology and geophysics. An example of this is the work been done on the small scale geographical distribution of cases of tuberculosis, cancer and leukaemia (Moran, 1975). This is done to see if there is evidence of clustering; which may give light on the causation of such diseases. Within the geographic discipline the common term secondary data refers to the relatively large databases those individual researchers would not be able to produce; for example census data, newspaper archives, satellite imagery or resource inventories. Secondary data is an important aspect in all geographic literature because it can be analysed in order demonstrate a depth of relationship between variables to show an underlying trend. Geographers use secondary data because it provides an alternative to the collection of primary data which in turn often gives the researcher access to more information than would be available (Vartanian, 2010). Figure 2 shows just a sample of large datasets available on Income Inequality as a branch of human geography. Archives are seen as another branch of secondary data whereby the use of existing records that others have collected primarily for non-research purposes such as financial reports, birth and death records, newspaper stories, diaries or letters. These could be seen as more beneficial to human geographers as they are qualitative data. A recent approach and use of secondary data is the use of personal solicited diaries as a qualitative method of research within social geography. In Meth (2003) diaries were used with women from South Africa who recorded their experiences of violence over a one month period. Within the article it shows that solicited diaries can contribute towards a feminist analysis of social processes similarly within human geography diaries can promote participation and engagement by respondents in the research process. This use of secondary data is also present in the recent study into the everyday geographies into the heterosexual love and home by Morrison (2012). Within this study solicited diaries are seen to provide participants with a sense of emotional reflection and they can allow researchers to access this knowledge which may not have been opened if another data collection method was used. However as Morrison (2012) states diaries offer â€Å"momentariness† research and cannot alwa ys be compared to everyday life. Compared to many other scientific disciplines, both human and physical geographers use a great deal of secondary data (Montello Sutton, 2006). Geographers can often be seen to study phenomena at large spatial and temporal scales where it can be seen as too difficult and upscale to collect data oneself. Likewise the idea that secondary data is not intended for ones research often inspires a geographers’ research area. As Montello Sutton (2006) found, much geographic research is that analysts study problems at the examination scale of such available dataset, which is often not the scale at which the phenomena operates. The primary reason for the use of secondary data is its availability; it is evident that there are thousands accessible in a myriad of places (Vartanian, 2010). This availability in such increasing amounts is due to the digitalization of many records. For human geographers the uttermost used source of secondary data is the population census (Flowerdew and Martin, 2013); which is produced in the UK every 10 years by the office of National Statistics (ONS). This in-depth data analysis provides demographic statistics but also details on education, transport, work and housing. Census data is available publicly online at no cost and is available globally; facilitating their use as an exploratory first step within a research project opposed to primary research within the same research area (Gomez and Jones, 2010). This approach is seen as more efficient in respect to time and cost in comparison to primary data collection. However it has become apparent that a large gap exists in the relati ve abilities of the rich and the poor countries to produce and control digital secondary datasets. However Gomez and Jones (2010) have seen the global south trying to narrow the digital divide by governmental projects in-order to create their own data collection. As geographers it is clear that the growing accessibility of digitalised data is related to the growth of geomatic technologies. Emanuelson and Egenvall (2014) address the issue of time and cost; it is apparent that secondary data is cheaper and more readily available than primary data. Due to this the ability to gain large samples of data is seen more apparent likewise the chance to limit selection bias due to been able to sample a large part of the population. Primary data can be affected by specific biases such as recall and non-response. Secondary data is less likely to be affected by these biases due to the data been collected for another research question in mind. Questions should still be considered in secondary data such as how representative is the data, reliability and completeness of data to ensure validity. The data should be validated in the same way (i.e. Identification of non normal observations and internal validity). Reliability and validity are important questions within research as this offers consistency of results under repeatability conditions and offers a â€Å"truth-value of researchâ €  (Montello and Sutton, 2013). The legitimacy of secondary data is carried by the organised order making it well suited for many types of quantitative or statistical analysis. Likewise secondary data is commonly produced by trained professionals who pre-test the questions and verify categories in order to produce standard and comparable information, both across time and space (Gomez, 2010). Most importantly the professional systems of collection assembly, storage and retrieval that constitute secondary data confer legitimacy that is widely recognised and works to empower such data and make it rhetorically convincing. Secondary data can arguably be involved within geography due to the â€Å"Quantitative Revolution†; a term used by Davies (1972) as an aspect of one of the four major turning points within modern geography. This revolution occurred during the 1950’s and 1960’s highlighting a method of change behind geographical research; a launch from geography been a regional finding based research to a spatial science (Davies, 1972). The idea of secondary data been incorporated into the discipline meant that there was a movement from descriptive to scientific. As Davies (1972) states there is a still a divide between human and physical geography as it can be seen that physical has developed this â€Å"quantitative revolution† further causing a general talk of human geography becoming its own independent subject. The revolution itself is the basis for geography using secondary data today due to its creation of dynamism, self-insurance and a reassertion of scientific princ iples (Newby, 1980). This introduction of â€Å"scientific thinking† (Davies, 1972) engaged the geographic discipline into the solution for spatial, social and environmental global problems. By turning an introspective subject into an actively concerned discipline interested in the relationship it has with alternative global topics. Throughout physical geography the growth in analysis has not only been linked to but also related to the change in content and focus of enquiry. An example of this is the growing use of systems and modelling approach in Geomorphology (Chorley, 1962) and the rapid expansion of technology allowing secondary data to be widely available. In human geography the beginning of quantitative techniques and the associated philosophical implications of a positivist approach led to change from 1965-75 (Gregory, 1983); arguably a decade later than physical geography. Urban geography experienced a drastic shift from an urban land use approach to quantitatively based studies of spatial urban and economic structures. This need for statistics within all aspects of geography was made clear by Wilson and Kirkby (1975) nevertheless some British Geographers are overlooking aspects which need real mathematical competence. It has become clear that secondary datasets have become an important role in economic research due to the expansion of availability of datasets. Within human geography and economics international agencies such as the World Bank and the United Nations (UN) since the 1990’s have expanded its data sets, as for years have published income distribution data in its annual world development report. Advancements within these data sets are enabling a greater scale and distribution (Atkinson and Brandolini, 2001). An example of this can be seen by the data sets constructed by Klaus Deininger and Lyn Squire (1996) and the world income inequality database (WIID). Alongside the expansion of research it can be noted that research has changed over time. This is displayed in the Social Service Review (SSR) during 1980 and 2007. In 1980 six main articles or notes used some form of secondary data either administrative or survey data whereas in 2007 it was twenty-two used articles published. Vartanian (2010 argues this is only a snapshot of a trend based on one elite social work journal; However secondary data is becoming increasingly important. Statistical data is an important aspect of geography as it offers credibility to an argument or advice. Moran (1975) claims that statistical geography bears the same relation to geography that econometrics do to economics. Statistics are present in all academic journals and are constantly been generated by governmental organisations in-order to generate spatial trends. Governmental run datasets such as national statistics online, the UK population census and GEsource, all offer data which can be found across most countries and can usually be disaggregated to quite small areas such as administrative and political divisions; which are popular amongst geographers (Flowerdew and Martin, 2013). Moran (1975) discovers that a great deal of statistical geography appears to be more descriptive than explanatory. The most common use of statistics in the UK by human geographers is the population census data. A geographic use of this is using census data to look at migration and morbidity in Bentham, G, (1988). Census data is an official complete collection of data from the population with details as to age, sex and occupation and renewed every 10 years. Bentham, G (1988) looks at the association between the geographical pattern of disease and possible casual factors; looking at the 1981 GB Census data. Self-reported morbidity statistics are used; displaying that the health status of migrants differs noticeably from that of non-migrants. Similarly Mesev, V (1998) uses census data within urban image classification. Mesev looks at a monitored classification strategy containing a group of techniques that allow the connecting of urban land cover from remotely sensed data with urban functional characteristics from the population census data. However statistical data should not bind us solely to secondary data; in addition there are administrative reports, business records, diaries, newspapers and maps. As with any form of methodology disadvantages are there; secondary data can be argued to have a lack of control (Vartanian, 2010). It can be said to have a lack of control over the framing and wording of survey items and that the questions important to your studied may not be included in such data. Likewise subtleties matter a great deal in research and secondary data can be argued to get broader and not answer the research question in the direct research title. Similarly Emanuelson and Egenvall (2014) consider that there is no control over the information what is included in datasets which have already been produced therefore impossible to validate. Moreover ecological fallacy and modifiable area unit problem can be an issue within secondary data; the assumption that all individuals in a group share the average characteri stics of that group and those trends within data are based upon existing boundaries that are unrelated to the phenomena in question. Secondary data will remain important to geographic research as a primary source of information to a growing number of data intensive applications. Using secondary data clearly gives the researchers important advantages such as data coverage, quality and costs as well as the ability to analyse phenomena that otherwise may be impossible such as analysis of populations at a global scale. It can be argued that â€Å"Data† refers to a body of information in numerical form therefore it can be argued that it is hard to categorise data as uniquely geographical except perhaps data which concerns the spatial characteristics of places and areas (Ebdon, 1985). GIS as a branch of mapping is seen as one of the basic uses of secondary data within physical geography due to its ability to provide an important route to enquiry enabling exploration and integration of geographical data (Freeman et al, 1993). Within the immediate future physical geographers have no sign of movement away from the statistical analysis and the importance of using secondary data and mathematical modelling is more likely to grow opposed to contract. Whereas within human geography the future is less clear; the positivist view point is being challenged leading to a number of coexisting approaches. Nonetheless according the Institute of British Geographers for the future â€Å"the numbers game is far from over† (Newby, 1980) and this analogy can be applied to many scientific disciplines.

An Unforgettable Teaching Experience :: Personal Narrative Essays

It was an extremely sweltering hot afternoon. I started my class with the three kids from a fairly big family. The kitchen was too noisy for me to conduct my class actually but I had adapted to this teaching atmosphere and as usual I started to teach their youngest sister Emily and later his two elder brothers John and Jack in turn. I was quite comfort with her demurely manner. John is a retarded child since he was born. He is still learning the very simple calculation of a year one's child and had difficulty in learning ABC. His brother is even worse off than him. Besides the mathematics that puzzling him forever, he has a very unusual habit that is he would sharpen his pencils up to two dozens before my class ended and he always lost his stationary or belongings after each school's day. He even past motion or urine in front of his classmates. I was once get annoyed when I accidentally stepped on his faeces. I personally considered myself a thoughtful and diligent teacher. I tried my best to open the generation-gap between us. I wish and try to keep on loving them . But today is a very unusual day . I blamed the hot weather that aroused his suspicion and despised his ability in the calculation given to him. He hanged my explanation and continued to ignore my teaching even though I hauled them over the coals. For nearly and hour , no sum nor words were written. Visibly the papers and his mind was blank too. In my mind, I am paid to conduct this class and I have to finish my designated assignments with them to be said as a diligent teacher. Without hesitation, I canned John's brother and he who seemed to be caring of his younger brother Jack started to mutter in a low voice complaining that I shouldn't beat his brother. On hearing his grumble, his mother who has mentally-illness too approached him and started to tease his son saying that he doesn't has the ability to do such an easy sum at the age of 17.